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Interpretive Questions on Zeldin & Briggs |
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Question #1, Jean Briggs "Mazes of Meaning" -"Chubby Maata might want to be loved, but at the same time she may perceive
being loved as dangerous too; people might steal her or carry her away...."
(p.43) -With the complexity of constructed meanings available, doesn't there still need to be a normative process that transforms the interesting child-like answer into the unremarkable adult answer, thus ending the "game"? -Briggs - (pgs 46 & 47 didn't get copied?) Hm. The 'mind games' (well, not really) that adults play with Chubby Maata (and other children) reminded me of the passage that Aries quoted from "The Statue of Salt". Admittedly, they're not exactly the same, but I thought it was interesting that in both the Inuit and Tunisian societies there seemed to be a sort of "rite of passage" which consisted of one or more adults asking bewildering questions to a confused, embarassed, and uncomfortable child. In both, all the adults know what's going on, and they derive amusement from the child's actions. It's sort of like a great societal in-joke, at the child's expense. However, at some point, the child figures out that the adults are just playing, and "when children begin to respond like adults, it's not fun anymore [to question them]." At that point, the child seems to have passed onto a new stage in development. -At what expense are the Intuit children learning independence? They
try to teach children not to trust anything or anybody but themselves.
-I find that Briggs is attributing a complexity of thought to Chubby Maata I would not expect a three year old to possess. I don't have much experience with children of this age. Are three year olds able to reason and consider outcomes of their actions in the way that Briggs suggest Chubby Maata does? -Briggs says that she sees "culture now as a bag of ingredients that
are available for selection." In Chubby Maata's family, the particular
dramas chosen were determined by family members, although the style of
dramatization was Inuit. What happens in a situation in which the culture
that a family belongs to differs from the culture of the surrounding people,
such as for immigrants raising their children? And with increased media
accessibility, many children have a wider access to this cultural grab
bag. How has children's cultural development changed? -"Mazes of meaning: how a child and a culture create each other" -- are
there negative aspects to the constant questioning? -How do we know we can trust in Briggs's assessment of the people involved
in the dramas? -It seems to me that the learning aquired from the "dramas" presented to the child could also lead to children learning some of the wrong messages. For some of the questions there really is no right or wrong message, but it is important to sometimes define some of the grayness involved. Wouldn't it be useful if the adults would discuss the same topics that are brought up in the dramas with children after they are deemed "too grown up" to fall for the ploy any longer? -Briggs account lists subtle status transactions between 'actors' in
a 'drama'. I am strongly reminded of the classic work on status transactions,
Keith Johnstone's 1989 'Impro' as an explanitory paradigm, and concurrently
of the Japanese notion of saving face as a fundamental currency of social
interaction. I therefore wonder if it's reasonable to state that it is
far easier to become aware of social interactions and particularly status
transactions in alien cultures than in one's own, simply because one is
able to view them disappationately. -Is the Inuit method of interrogative teasing with children actually
a kind of fantasy play many western children engage in during their individual
play? -What might account for the durability of Inuit dramas "over time and space," in contrast to the constant fluctuation of cultural patterns that Zeldin describes in France? -Is the goal of anthropology to study without influencing or changing
a culture? -Inuits differ greatly from Americans in that they impose emotionally
trying experiences/dramas on their young children rather than letting
their children come face to face with similar dramas on their own, during
circumstances that will eventually arise inevitably in due time. If this
aspect of Inuit child-rearing allows children to truly come to recognize
and deal with such intense emotional conflicts - conflicts that the child
inevitably would have had to deal with even if she weren't subjected to
said adult manipulation - then perhaps the Inuits were the first to have
implemented preventative action. American teachers, parents, doctors,
shrinks have all been forced to comtemplate prevenative meausures for
our children - based on Littleton, etc,etc -When asked directly by Maata, Cubby Maata playfully refuses to go home with her...however, she nestles trustingly with the author of her own will (abandoning her mother in a sense -- something she wouldn't do when Maata asks her to)...how does this fit in with the drama where loyalties are so important (being tested)? -How closely does the raising of Chubby Maata through these contrived drama questions resemble the animal behavior of parents training heir young to function on their own shortly after birth. And more interestingly can these contrived dramas be linked in any ways to the feeling of the late 19th through early 20th century of placing children in factories or apprenticeships in order for them to become self-sufficient? -The author mentions learning specifically from a longer analysis of
Chubby Maata, but what might she be missing from this analysis? (I realise
she's studied hundreds of other kids) -Is the Individual approach by Biggs possible without a previous long term study? -I'm curious to know what someone applying the natural history mode(I think that's what it's called) would think of, say violence in the media and it's effects on kids. If one sees culture as a brown bag full of ingredients available for selection, that is, "available for being invested with affect, hence meaning" then what types of issues must be accounted for if one uses Briggs' approach with regards to US pop culture? -Detailed studies of individuals will be helpful in understanding childhood development. I think detailed studies will help you to understand the meaning behind the general trends. I am curious to read about the general conclusions Briggs will attain from this study of an individual. -In our culture it is thought that inconsistencies drive a child into massive confusion. However, the Inuit seem to take the opposite approach and run their children through inapproiate situations so that they immeadately start becomming acclimated to confusing and ambiguous situations. Is the Inuit more effective in producing children that can sort through the various inconsistencies of life? Question #2. Theodore Zeldin, "How to Interpret the Anger of Teenagers" -Do teenagers rebel due to a lack of a strong parental imposed belief
system and thus desire to create it themselves? -I thought this guy was pretty amusing. He mentions how French kids absorb
so much of their parents values and points out their dissillusionment
towards the school system but he never once offers any type of solution
(maybe it's not his responsibility). From what Zeldin says about "their
goals [becoming] more cultural...than economic or politicial" it seems
to me that he is upset that French kids are not as "political" as people
in his generation(I'm assuming). Why doesn't he question his generations
responsibility? -By labeling the conflict of generations a "myth", doesn't Zeldin come
to deny the very real anger of the teenager and therefore remove a significant
source of power and protest within the family and society? -Foremost in my mind is, how did the author manage to talk to Emmanuel
without getting the "dangerous and dim lout" treatment? -"I need others to prove that I exist, to enable me to be proud of myself;
I need encouragement from otheres." (Emmanuel). Why is it that Emmanuel
is fighting/rebelling against the society that he needs? -Zeldin mentions classic forms of rebellion, from clothing to music,
that teens use to shock their parents. Many teens, however, listen to
the music that their parents did when they were young, so in a sense,
they aren't rebelling so much against their parents as they are emulating
previous youth culture (e.g. many kids still like to listen to people
like hendrix or led zepellin or leonard cohen). How does this affect the
expected "generation gap," since at a certain age children and parents,
at least according to culture in the States, are not supposed to understand
each other? -This paper seems to describe the anger of teenagers in this generation. how will the anger of this/my generation effect the next generation, the one that we will be bearing? -Don't parents realize that the reason we don't want to enter the rat
race is because we want more, not less? -In the example given at the beginning of the reading, Emmanuel's father
reproaches him for his lack of ambition". Isn't this exactly what they
have seen teaching him to expect? -At some point -- whether personally or as a collective, institution
-- the older generation seems to relinquish responsibility for their children's
future (e.g. age limits on social programs like education funding for
orphans, ages of majority, expectations to leave the home after a certain
age, etc.) Is this motivated by a desire to force youth into a self-supporting
position that is viewed as a necessary final step to becoming an adult? -Basically, at what point (either through personal relationships or through institutions) does one generation start or stop being responsible for the next? -What is the distinction Zeldin is making between individuality and rebellion? Do you agree that issues of culture and quality-of-life are not political? -What happens to these angry teenagers when they grow up? -I think adults do not realize the hypocrisy with which they label youth
"rebellious." Zeldin writes, "His is not a story about rebellion, but
about an independent effort to find his own individuality." I argue that,
in a majority of cases regarding teenagers, rebellion is synonomous with
"finding own's own individuality." Children are incredibly perceptive
- perhaps so much so that they realize at some point that they are not
being treated by society with the same rights and respect as adults. Does
it not make sense then that children who are viewed as rebellious, are
merely REACTING to their limited experience with the adult world, and
not their "total rejection of the adult world?" -Isn't the search for an identity at rebellion (if a figure of authority
told you who you were, no search would be needed)? -How closely related is the rock and roll Woodstock generation of songs of peace in the time of the Vietnam War to the despair filled punk music of Emmanuel and today's modern gothic music, in terms of reflecting the emotions of the teenage society of the time? -Zeldin writes that the "conflict of generations is, hoever, largely
a myth, and that helps to explain why change is so slow and superficial."
It is obviously physically manifested through "abominable" dress, music,
etc., but how is it _maintained_? -In the article (Zeldin: How to interpret ...) it is stated that part of the reason why French youth are rejecting education is because of the lack of benefits, particularly in economic/job security, that it brings. For the most part in America, more education brings more security in a better job (though this tendency is declining as well), but an attitude of rejection still exists towards school. Why could this be? Question #3 - Theodore Zeldin, "How children Deal with their Parents" -The article states, " What that meant was that the way parents expressed their love depended more on their ambitions, both for their children and themselves, than on any national customs or medical theories. This echoes an earlier point Justine made concerning children being encouraged by parents to go to local universities over ones further away such as MIT. Are parents always looking at their children as carriers to propel their personal values? -"There certainly are children who feel victims of their parents confusions and private problems." This phrase struck me as one of the most intriguing. it'd be interesting to discuss how this notion is revealed in the US (among cultural minorities and sub populations). And are why are some of the "victims" able to overcome these fears and confusions while others not? -"The family is a commune with no hierarchy, authority or formality."
Do you think that this breakdown of social roles of each family member
has lead to a breakdown in contemporary children's culture? -Given his view, why isn't this essay entitled "How parents are unable to deal with their children"? -The fourteen-year-old's essay on pg 103 had all sorts of contradictions...
mainly, the child says his/her parents "support all my wishes", and s/he
enthuses about how great the family is, and then s/he mentions that they're
currently not talking to each other, and there's a lot of tension. How
can s/he still believe that "we are a united family, and on fairly good
terms", when there's so much anger? -As a child, I was incredibly confused when my parents ordered me to
do things. I would always ask why and they would always tell me because
we told you to. I think parents have this expectation of automatic respect
because they are the parents. But do these parents realize that they are
expecting their children to be mindless? -What is the nature of the parents inability to understand their children? -Is Zeldin claiming that children develop differently depending on class
values and expectations when he says that parents are more similar cross-culturally
by class than across classes within a culture? -How does a society as a whole survive when the children are not all
brought up the same? -I can't imagine fighting with my parents such that we're not speaking
yet still being satisfied with my of relationship with them. Is there
such a range of parental styles in the U.S.? -In regards to the discussion in class on Monday about whether children
were perceived as ways for parents to achieve social status, the statement
by the sociologist which claims that parents of the same social background,
but different cultural background relate to each other better than those
of the same country, but different social class seems to support this.
Zeldin claims that parents express their love based on their ambitions.
Could it not also be true because people of the same social background
have similar everyday experiences? -To what extent are child-adult relationships social contracts and to
what extent are they individually negotiated arrangements? -Do French family dynamics depend more on class than America's? -What is the mainstream culture equivalent of anthropology? (I found
both of the readings called attention to the idea that white american
culture is "normal") -In French society it seems that "sex has ceased to be unmentionable"
(p.107). In American societies it seems to me (at least, by the paranoia
about it in the press and popular culture) that sex is still extremely
unmentionable. How does this account for differences in French and American
societies? -Which differences are due to this? -It is interesting to ask why French parents have traditionally tolerated
certain behaviors over others. A child's bid for attention is listened
to by the parent, yet a child's request for help or expression of discomfort
is not as quickly seen to. Why is this? -"All women become like their mothers. That is their tragedy. No man
does. That's his." (Algernon, in The Importance of Being Earnest, Wilde)
This seems to be accurate, at least to a degree...but is this something
beyond a parent and even a child's control? -Why is it that the so call experts on Child rearing are always constantly updating their doctrines, yet the public continues to blindly follow their teachings as if it were given to them from God? -Seriously, how does a fourteen yr old (pg. 103) live with both parents
while not being on speaking terms with them? -At the end of the article (Zeldin: How Children Deal ...) it was stated
that "it is not in the direction of more warmth that the young generations"
are moving. American youth have also experienced the same changes in society,
yet it seems that now we (America) are moving towards a society of where
intense commitment is now the ideal versus the ideal of a society of casual
pals. Why the difference? |
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